Public criticism of Mitt Romney’s race for the White House has risen sharply, with six in 10 Americans expressing a negative opinion of how he’s handling his campaign and a majority responding unfavorably to his comments on people who don’t pay income taxes.

Sixty-one percent in a new ABC News/Washington Post poll hold an unfavorable view of how Romney’s handling his presidential campaign, up by 12 percentage points since mid-July. Far fewer, 35 percent, rate Romney’s performance positively, essentially unchanged.

See PDF with full results, charts and tables here.

Barack Obama’s ratings for handling his campaign are substantially better, 54-43 percent, favorable-unfavorable. And while ratings of Romney’s campaign have grown more negative, favorable ratings of Obama’s campaign efforts have gained 8 points since July.

These ratings follow controversy last week about Romney’s remark at a Florida fundraiser that 47 percent of Americans don’t pay income taxes, see themselves as “victims” and lack personal responsibility. Fifty-four percent in this survey, produced for ABC by Langer Research Associates, see his “recent comments about people who don’t pay income taxes” negatively; 32 percent respond favorably, with the rest unsure.

There’s also an intensity problem for Romney: Americans disproportionately see his handling of his campaign “strongly” unfavorably rather than strongly favorably, 36 percent vs. 10 percent; it’s a similar split on his comment on those who don’t pay taxes. Strong sentiment on Obama’s campaign, by contrast, is evenly balanced.

As damaging as Romney’s remark may have been, it appears not to be solely responsible for Romney’s weak grade on handling his campaign, since ratings of his campaign performance overall are 7 points more negative than are responses to that comment. Indeed, even among those who see the “47 percent” remark favorably, nearly three in 10 also respond negatively to Romney’s handling of his campaign overall.

In a sign of particular trouble for Romney, negative views of his campaign have grown by 18 points since midsummer among independents, who often are swing voters. In July, 46 percent of independents rated Romney’s handling of his campaign negatively; it’s 64 percent today. Romney’s positive score among independents, at 32 percent, far trails Obama’s, 50 percent.

Even among Republicans, more than one in four rates Romney’s efforts negatively – 27 percent. While essentially unchanged since July, that’s substantially more than the share of Democrats who respond negatively to Obama’s work on his campaign, 11 percent.

As well as among independents, negative views of Romney’s handling of his campaign have grown especially sharply among adults under age 40 – up by 23 points since July, to 69 percent negative – and among women, with negative responses up by 18 points. And there’s a large gap among income groups: a 16-point rise in negative ratings of Romney’s campaign among people with household incomes less than $100,000 a year, vs. essentially no change among those with incomes of $100,000 or more.

Less than well-off adults also are more critical of Romney’s “47 percent” comment, responding negatively rather than positively by 57-28 percent. Those with incomes of $100,000 or more, by contrast, divide evenly – they’re 18 points more supportive of the remark.

Obama, for his part, gets especially positive grades for handling his campaign, 60 percent, from people with household incomes of $50,000 or less; that falls to less than half of those who are better off financially. Still his rating is 17 points better than Romney’s even in the $50,000-$100,000 range; only among $100,000-plus earners does Romney’s campaign rival Obama’s.

Among other groups, Obama’s campaign efforts are rated positively by majorities of women, adults younger than 40, moderates (as well as liberals) and (especially) nonwhites; those compare with even splits among men and among people 40 and older. Among whites, Obama’s 45-51 percent rating, favorable-unfavorable, is not positive – but beats Romney’s 39-56 percent.

While these results are among all adults, they’re essentially identical among those who report being registered to vote: Negative on Romney’s campaign by 61-36 percent; negative on his tax comment by 54-33 percent; and positive on Obama’s campaign efforts by 53-45 percent.

METHODOLOGY – This ABC News/Washington Post poll was conducted by landline and cell phone Sept. 19-23, 2012, among a random national sample of 1,012 adults. Results have a margin of sampling error of 4 points, including design effect. The survey was produced for ABC News by Langer Research Associates of New York, N.Y., with sampling, data collection and tabulation by SSRS/Social Science Research Solutions of Media, Pa.

The universal response in the United States to the uproar over the anti-Muslim video is that the Muslim world will just have to get used to freedom of expression. President Obama said so himself in a speech at the United Nations today, which included both a strong defense of the First Amendment and (“in the alternative,” as lawyers say) and a plea that the United States is helpless anyway when it comes to controlling information. In a world linked by YouTube, Twitter, and Facebook, countless videos attacking people’s religions, produced by provocateurs, rabble-rousers, and lunatics, will spread to every corner of the world, as fast as the Internet can blast them, and beyond the power of governments to stop them. Muslims need to grow a thick skin, the thinking goes, as believers in the West have done over the centuries. Perhaps they will even learn what it means to live in a free society, and adopt something like the First Amendment in their own countries.

But there is another possible response. This is that Americans need to learn that the rest of the world—and not just Muslims—see no sense in the First Amendment. Even other Western nations take a more circumspect position on freedom of expression than we do, realizing that often free speech must yield to other values and the need for order. Our own history suggests that they might have a point.

Despite its 18^th-century constitutional provenance, the First Amendment did not play a significant role in U.S. law until the second half of the 20th century. The First Amendment did not protect anarchists, socialists, Communists, pacifists, and various other dissenters when the U.S. government cracked down on them, as it regularly did during times of war and stress.

The First Amendment earned its sacred status only in the 1960s, and then only among liberals and the left, who cheered when the courts ruled that government could not suppress the speech of dissenters, critics, scandalous artistic types, and even pornographers. Conservatives objected that these rulings helped America’s enemies while undermining public order and morality at home, but their complaints fell on deaf ears.

A totem that is sacred to one religion can become an object of devotion in another, even as the two theologies vest it with different meanings. That is what happened with the First Amendment. In the last few decades, conservatives have discovered in its uncompromising text— “Congress shall make no law ... abridging the freedom of speech”—support for their own causes. These include unregulated campaign speech, unregulated commercial speech, and limited government. Most of all, conservatives have invoked the First Amendment to oppose efforts to make everyone, in universities and elsewhere, speak “civilly” about women and minorities. I’m talking of course about the “political correctness” movement beginning in the 1980s, which often merged into attempts to enforce a leftist position on race relations and gender politics.

Meanwhile, some liberals began to have second thoughts. They supported enactment of hate-crime laws that raised criminal penalties for people who commit crimes against minorities because of racist or other invidious motives. They agreed that hate speech directed at women in the workplace could be the basis of sexual harassment claims against employers as well. However, the old First Amendment victories in the Supreme Court continued to play an important role in progressive mythology. For the left, the amendment today is like a dear old uncle who enacted heroic deeds in his youth but on occasion says embarrassing things about taboo subjects in his decline.

So symbolic attachment to uneasy, historically contingent compromises, and a half-century of judicial decisions addressing domestic political dissent and countercultural pressures, prevent the U.S. government from restricting the distribution of a video that causes violence abroad and damages America’s reputation. And this is a video that, by the admission of all sides, has no value whatsoever.

Americans have not always been so paralyzed by constitutional symbolism. During the Cold War, the U.S. foreign policy establishment urged civil rights reform in order to counter Soviet propagandists’ gleeful reports that Americans fire-hosed black protesters and state police arrested African diplomats who violated Jim Crow laws. Rather than tell the rest of the world to respect states’ rights—an ideal as sacred in its day as free speech is now—the national government assured foreigners that it sought to correct a serious but deeply entrenched problem. It is useful if discomfiting to consider that many people around the world may see America’s official indifference to Muslim (or any religious) sensibilities as similar to its indifference to racial discrimination before the civil rights era.

The final irony is that while the White House did no more than timidly plead with Google to check if the anti-Muslim video violates its policies (appeasement! shout the critics), Google itself approached the controversy in the spirit of prudence. The company declined to remove the video from YouTube because the video did not attack a group (Muslims) but only attacked a religion (Islam). Yet it also cut off access to the video in countries such as Libya and Egypt where it caused violence or violated domestic law. This may have been a sensible middle ground, or perhaps Google should have done more. What is peculiar it that while reasonable people can disagree about whether a government should be able to curtail speech in order to safeguard its relations with foreign countries, the Google compromise is not one that the U.S. government could have directed. That’s because the First Amendment protects verbal attacks on groups as well as speech that causes violence (except direct incitement: the old cry of “Fire!” in a crowded theater). And so combining the liberal view that government should not interfere with political discourse, and the conservative view that government should not interfere with commerce, we end up with the bizarre principle that U.S. foreign policy interests cannot justify any restrictions on speech whatsoever. Instead, only the profit-maximizing interests of a private American corporation can. Try explaining that to the protesters in Cairo or Islamabad.